Very few people have addressed terrorism in terms of the human rights of civilians.
A new book by left-wing American feminist writer Meredith Tax argues that the Left in the UK and America is often too ready to embrace right-wing Islam - to the detriment of women and others in the Islamic world who are struggling for equal rights.
Author of "Woman and Her Mind: The Story of Everyday Life", an essay considered a founding document of the US women’s liberation movement, Tax is currently US director and head writer of the Centre for Secular Space, a London-based thinktank formed to oppose fundamentalism, strengthen secular voices and promote universality in human rights.
In her new book 'Double Bind, the Muslim Right, the Anglo-American Left and Universal Human Rights' Tax argues that there are a range of political Islamic organisations who want to establish Islamic states, governed by Sharia law, and they systematically discriminate against women, along with sexual and religious minorities.
These organisations include ‘moderate’ organisations like the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, the Justice and Development Party in Turkey and Ennahda in Tunisia and transnational networks such as Hizb ut-Tahrir who seek to achieve this gradually by working through elections, educational propaganda, charity and organising.
Then there are militant groups or ‘salafis’ such as the Taliban or al Qaeda which may run for office but also enforce some version of Sharia law through street violence; and a much smaller militant wing of salafi-jihadis that endorses military means and practices violence against civilians.
Tax argues that many of the more violent groups have their origins in the Cold War, when the USA and Saudi Arabia funded and armed Afghan warlords to combat the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan.
She argues that since 9/11 the world has been caught up in paradigm of terror/torture.
“The US kidnaps, tortures and uses drones to assassinate those it considers to be terrorists, often killing civilians at the same time.
“Militant Islamists kidnap and assassinate both officials and civilians and blow themselves up along with anyone nearby.
“And while national security experts analyse terrorists and human rights organisations defend those accused of terrorism, very few people – mainly feminists – have addressed terrorism in terms of the human rights of civilians.”
She argues that while it is critically important for human rights activists to track state violations like detention without trial, torture and kidnappings, committed in the name of counter terrorism, 'It is also incumbent upon human rights organisations to scrutinise the ideology of groups they defend and to make it clear that while they may defend the human rights of those accused of terrorism, they do not support their beliefs.'
She uses the example of Moazzam Begg, a UK citizen and former detainee of Guantanamo Bay, who has written for the Guardian and accepted as a human rights partner by groups like Amnesty International and Reprieve.
Tax argues that he is not a human rights activist, nor is his organisation, Cageprisoners, a human rights organisation, as it claims.
She claims Cageprisoners has called for the release of terrorists like Aafia Siddiqui, who was tried and convicted by a jury, and that it invited Anwar al Awlaki, who the USA claims was a leader of al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula, and was later killed in a US drone attack, to address a dinner in 2009.
In a sermon on ‘the qualities of great women’ al Awlaki said of the four women mentioned in the Hadith:
“They were either good wives or good mothers.
“This is something that might not pass well with feminists or sisters who are feminised or affected by that thought.
“These four women were not great because of their activism or their career or their knowledge. They were either good wives or mothers.
“Khadeja was outstanding because of her support for her husband," he said. "It wasn’t because she was a businesswoman that did not factor in.”
Tax argues that, in the last ten years left wing organisations have allied with conservative Muslim organisations that stand for religious discrimination, oppose gay rights and subordinate women.
She cites the example of the Socialist Workers Party, which formed the Respect Party with Islamists and stood candidates for elections following the outbreak of the Gulf War in 2003.
Tax criticises left-wing leaders like Hugo Chavez for embracing Iranian president Ahmadinejad while he was on a visit to Tehran in 2006 and London's former mayor Ken Livingstone and George Galloway MP for offering an official welcome to the Egyptian cleric Yusuf al-Qaradawi, who is linked to the Muslim Brotherhood.
Tax argues people like Livingstone and Galloway assume that these right-wing Muslims represent the views of all Muslims - which they do not.
She writes, 'This support for the Muslim Right has undermined struggles for secular democracy in the Global South.'
She also argues that right-wing Muslims are not necessarily anti-imperialist or progressive, and wars like the Iraq War and the Palestinian conflict are about territory and resources and are nothing to do with religion.
Tax argues that people who criticise aspects of Islam are not necessarily Islamophobic, Orientalists or allies of US Imperialism and should not be labelled as such, and terrorism is not a legitimate way of defeating oppression.
She writes that 'Those who wish to transform society need to do so in ways that mobilise the positive transformational strengths of masses of people, rather than use methods of violence, dogmatism and authoritarianism' and instead advocates ‘anti imperialism combined with solidarity’.
Tax urges readers to ally themselves with progressive organisations in Afghanistan and elsewhere, which fight for women’s rights and genuine democracy.
'Democratic government,' she points out, 'is based on the idea that the state is delegated by the people rather than coming from God.'
She argues for the defence of ‘secular space’, and urges readers to resist religious encroachment on public life, as it muddles discussions about class, race and discrimination.
These problems do not just arise with right-wing Islam but can also occur with conservative Christianity, Judaism or any other religious belief, and it is a pity the book focuses primarily on Islam, rather than covering conservative religion more generally.
But it raises some valuable points nonetheless.
The Arab Spring and recent events in Egypt and Turkey show people, even in the ‘Muslim world’ are keen to resist religious domination of politics.
But liberals and those on the left can, often for the best of intentions, sometimes confuse right-wing religion with progressive politics.
As the 2011 Census showed, Britain is becoming more secular, but last year the Guardian reported that a third of new free schools are backed by religious organisations.
As society becomes more secular, we must be vigilant about religious encroachment on public life, and on women's rights.
And we must have the courage to question any religion's values and beliefs and, if necessary, challenge them.
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